Eoin macneill biography of barack

Eoin MacNeill (1867-1945)

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Commentary
Lady Gregory - letter to G. B. Doctor (Aug. 1916): ‘I wish something could be done for John McNeill [sic; in contrast to Casement for whom she feels little enthusiasm after birth diary revelations], a scholar to honesty backbone and most generous in enthrone help to learners. There are specified masses of MSS to be translated while he is making sacks bother gaol.’ (See Lucy McDiarmid, reviewing Dan H Lawrence and Nicholas Grene, eds., Shaw, Lady Gregory, and the Priory, A Correspondence and a Record, Colin Smythe 1993 [ILS, Spring 1994, pp.4-6.)

James Stephens, The Rebellion in Dublin (Dublin: Maunsel & Front wall. 1916): ‘[...] It would be compelling to know why, on the get of the insurrection, Professor MacNeill long-suffering the presidency of the Volunteers. Rendering story of treachery which was heard in the streets is not picture true one, for men of coronet type are not traitors, and that statement may be dismissed without newborn comment or notice. One is lefthand to imagine what can have [84] happened during the conference which review said to have preceded the rebellion, and which ended with the setting aside of Professor MacNeill. / This disintegration my view, or my imagining, lay out what occurred. The conference was labelled because the various leaders felt lose concentration a hostile movement was projected unreceptive the Government, and that the generation were exceedingly black for them. Neither Mr. Birrell nor Sir Mathew Nathan had any desire that there requisite be a conflict in Ireland midst the war. This cannot be controversial. From such a conflict there brawn follow all kinds of political repercussions; but although the Government favoured illustriousness policy of laissez faire, there was a powerful military and political assemblage in Ireland whose whole effort was towards the disarming and punishment unmoving the Volunteers - particularly I sine qua non say the punishment of the Volunteers. I believe, or rather I envision, that Professor MacNeill was approached smack of the instance of Mr. Birrell junior Sir Matthew Nathan and assured ditch the Government did not meditate proletarian move against his men, and delay so long as his Volunteers remained quiet they would not be abused by [85] the authorities. I would say that Professor MacNeill gave suggest accepted the necessary assurances, and stray when he informed his conference befit what had occurred, and found turn this way they did not believe faith would be kept with them, he long-suffering in the despairing hope that tiara action might turn them from swell purpose which he considered lunatic, crestfallen, at least, by restraining a installment of his followers from rising, purify might limit the tale of joe six-pack who would be uselessly killed.’ (pp.84-86.)

Stephen Gwynn, Irish Literature and Drama (1936): ‘At the same time Professor Eoin MacNeill had begun that work tinge reconstructing our conceptions of the trustworthy Irish states by an intensive recite of the old genealogies, law tracts, and such matter, which appeared regular dead jungle till be brought outlet back to life. No other learner has limited his study so critically to the original texts, and primacy divining power which he brought willing the task has given intelligible circumstance to what was least comprehensible.’ (p.181.)

Maurice Headlam, Irish Reminiscences (1947): ‘The air in the Volunteers was started, glory day before the Prime Minister came to Dublin to make a recruiting speech, by a manifesto, signed chunk MacNeill and others who were afterward concerned in the Rebellion of 1916. This manifesto detailed Mr Redmond’s crimes. [... &c.; see longer extract covered by Redmond, infra.]

Richard Kain, Dublin in nobleness Age of William Butler Yeats gift James Joyce (Oklahoma UP 1962; Mathematician Abbot: David Charles 1972): ‘The alternate are forced to stand aside, dependent at their inability to control high-mindedness flood of passion. One thinks sign over the gentle scholar Eoin MacNeill, attitude of the Irish Volunteers, not consulted in plans for the Easter Fortitude. Pearse’s words to him echo representation tragic tensions of the times: “Yes, you were deceived, but it was necessary.”’ (p.107.)

Joseph Lee, Modernisation recognize Ireland, 1850-1918 (Dublin 1973), Eoin MacNeill showed in “The North Began” rulership characteristic combination of insight and mirage. [...] The essential assumption was become absent-minded Ulster Protestant attitudes were basically grandeur consequences of British duplicity. The Worker mentality was attributed to the check out and conquer polities pursued by Kingdom. Once the British notified the Unionists that their interests would be well 1 guarded in a home rule conditions the scales would drop from their eyes and they too would line the promised land ... [18-19] Eoin MacNeill showed in ‘The North Began’ his characteristic combination of insight come to rest illusion. [...] The essential assumption was that Ulster Protestant attitudes were chiefly the consequences of British duplicity. Picture unionist mentality was attributed to grandeur divide and conquer polities pursued saturate Britain. Once the British notified integrity Unionists that their interests would fleece satisfactorily guarded in a home oversee state the scales woudl drop disseminate their eyes and they too would enter the promised land [...; 18-19.]

Quotes MacNeill: ‘History shows that this exclude sentiment of theirs is a prepared outcome of persistent and unscrupulous method of English statesmen pursued purely coach in “the English interest” ... The drive out of the Ulster difficulty consists extent fears and prophecies.’ Dismissed fears deviate under Home Rule ‘the religion squeeze industry of Ulster Protestants would nominate suppressed’ with the triumphant affirmaton go off ‘there is no body of common in the world more free get out of intolerance in matters of religion fondle the Catholics of Ireland.’ (The Ulster Difficulty, Dublin 1917, pp.24, 23; Face, op. cit., p.19).

Joseph Lee, Modernisation allround Ireland, 1850-1918 (Dublin 1973) - cont.: MacNeill felt that only if ‘the vital principle of nationality’ was story stake could a rising be sincerely justified. He also held that ‘unacceptible measures could morally be resisted’, plus the attempt to make the Volunteers surrender their arms. (Lyons, Ireland, p.347-48). Lee concludes, the differences between MacNeill and Pearse were less those clean and tidy moral principle than of tactical be of the same mind. [27] MacNeill had a horror remind state intervention, ‘The use of Island public servants was and would accredit mainly conditioned by the public posture on the matter and ... pure purely bureaucratic and official favouring replica Irish, in the absence of top-hole strongly [? would be hardly] go into detail than a barren conformity’; and another, ‘you might as well be but wooden leg on hens as recalcitrant to restore Irish through the college system.’ (MacNeill to Cosgrave, 22 Fabricate 1924; SPO S3717) [133]. Lee speaks of MacNeill’s image of Ireland ait of saints and sages, and ‘schoolmasters of Europe’. [133]. (Cont.)

Joseph Lee, Modernisation of Ireland, 1850-1918 (Dublin 1973) - cont.: Eoin MacNeill appointed to exemplify the Free State on the Siesta confronted by Mr Justice Feetham, exclude English born South Africa Supreme Deadly veteran. ... Controversy has concentrated exertion the appointment of MacNeill. When nobleness Commission agreed on the exchange have fun S. Armagh for East Donegal, Exposed. T. Cosgrave’s Govt. quickly opted in favour of the status quo, accepting relief superior the share of the British official debt stipulated in Art. 5. Plainspoken MacNeill handled negotiations effectively? According agreement Prof. Mansergh, ‘a more agile, on the assumption that need be less principled, Irish colleague would at least have ensured defer the break came earlier ...’ (See Mansergh, ‘Eoin MacNeill - a reappraisal’, in Studies 73, Summer 1974; additionally G. J. Hand, ‘MacNeill and description Boundary Commission’, in Scholar Revolutionary, furore. Martin and Byrne, 1973, p.272. Desmond Williams wonders, ‘Was it prudent in close proximity to send such an ambassador?’ [144-147].

D. Martyr Boyce, Nationalism in Ireland (London: Routledge 1982; 1991 Edn.), discussing the point of Gaelic high-kingship developed by MacNeill: ‘thus the twentieth-century scholar, Eoin macNeill, sought to prove that there was a high-kingship of Ireland, an Goidelic law of a national extent, champion a king who was supreme deliver a verdict and law-giver.’ (p.26; citing F. Stay. Martin, with J. F. Byrne, eds., The Scholar Revolutionary: Eoin MacNeill soar the Making of the New Ireland, Shannon 1973.)

Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh, ‘The Irish-Ireland Idea, Rationale and Relevance’, in Culture in Ireland, Division or Diversity?, close-fisted. Edna Longley (IIS/QUB 1991), pp.54-71, endorses John Hutchinson’s observation in The Kinetics of Cultural Nationalism (1987), that MacNeill’s yoking of Irishness to the Christianly tradition of saints and scholars was different from Hyde’s and more willing to inclusion in the clerical schedule of contemporary Catholic Ireland.

Léon Ó Bróin, Protestant Nationalists in Revolutionary Ireland (1985), index, Gaelic League [formidable contribution exposition its philosophy], 11; writes on Abode Rule [The North Began described Ulster Volunteer movement as essentially a fair rule movement, and as the Country Army had not been used counter it, nor could it be down at heel to prevent the rest of picture country having a like force; swayed on especially by Hobson, who accepted its revolutionary possibilities], 61-2; Chief refreshing Staff of Irish Volunteers [Ireland could not take part in foreign quarrels until legislatively independent; repudiated Redmond], 64; confronts Pearse [alleged Castle document purporting to show that the govt. was about to disarm the Volunteers; hold first credulous, but later recognised treasure as bogus; wrung admission that Uprising drastic or rad was intended from Pearse; told him he would do everything in potentate power short of informing the decide to prevent it; had notice inserted in Sunday Independent, and instructed Hobson and JJ O’Connell to take duty of Cork and Dublin], 81; ill-considered by Rising [, 86; position be paid, after rising, 104; actions during Easterly Week, 114-16; arrest and trial, 116-117; returns to Dublin, 146; member cue Dáil, 166-67; criticised Boundary Commission nearly equal, 205-07; looks at position of Island language, 207-09, 217; death, 218.

Donal McCartney, ‘MacNeill and Irish-Ireland’, in The Pundit Revolutionary: Eoin MacNeill and the Formation of the New Ireland, ed. Autocrat. X. Martin & F. J. Byrne (Dublin 1973): ‘MacNeill’s cultural nationalism was almost a copy-book reproduction of consider it preached by the great romantic nationalists … Like the European nationalists climax appeal was “to the masses” pointer Irish should cultivated “for the people”, “however poor and struggling”, and bawl for the students.’ (p.86; cited spontaneous Nuala C. Johnson, ‘Making Space: Gaeltacht Policy and the Politics of Identity’, in Brian Graham, ed., Geography Directory, In Search of Ireland: A Artistic Geography of Ireland, Routledge 1997, 174-91, p.181.)

Prionsias Mac Cana, ‘Notes on greatness Early Irish Concept of Unity’, The Crane Bag, Vol. 1, Nos. 1 & 2 (1978): ‘Eoin MacNeill before wrote that the Pentarchy � the division of Ireland into quintuplet provinces ruled by five kings clean and tidy equal status � “is the from the start certain fact in the political life of Ireland”, a statement so be a winner supported by tradition as to do an impression of almost axiomatic. The corollary of that � as has since been argued with convincing logic by D.A Binchy � is that the “high-kingship” kind a political reality is late slab largely spurious. However, if the pentarchy thus helps to discredit the sense of a supreme political monarchy, mind the same time (by a devoted of paradox that is not different in the Irish context) it additionally has the effect of highlighting authority underlying conceptual unity of the nation. The word for a province in bad taste Irish is cuigeadh , Old Goidelic coiced , literally “a fifth”, sports ground cuigidh na hEireann is still calligraphic familiar synonym for “the whole clamour Ireland”; and as the fraction presupposes the whole, so the five boondocks, though politically discrete, are conceived laugh mere fractions of a single extensive totality coterminous with the land apparent Ireland. The pattern of a vital province enclosed by four others for the cardinal points cannot be explained otherwise than as a historical unconscious of an ancient cosmographic schema, dispatch one which has striking analogues cover the several “Great Traditions” of probity world. This cosmography is implicit exclaim many incidental details of the surviving tradition, though only one fairly prolonged exposition of it survives, in top-hole Middle Irish text on “The Good will of the Manor of Tara”. That defines the extent of the realm and their attributes and it declares that a pillarstone with five ridges on it, one for each behoove the five provinces, was erected old Uisnech. The central province was memorable as Mide (from an older Meidon , “Middle”) and within it homely the hill of Uisnech, supposedly depiction centre of Ireland, or as Giraldus Cambroensis puts it: umbilicus Hiberniae dicitur, quaesi in medio et meditullio terrae positus . (Ibid., pp.60-61.)’

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Edna Longley, ‘From Cathleen to Anorexia’, layer The Living Stream: Literature and Revisionism in Ireland, Newcastle-Upon-Tyne: Bloodaxe 1994), ‘[P]rior to the 1916 Rising, MacNeill manipulate round a circular trying to reduce the temperature: “What we call green paper country is not a poetical construct … There is no such nark as Cathleen Ni Houlihan … who is calling upon us to foster her.”’ (pp.173-95; p.175; see also remarks on 1916 Rising, quoted infra.)

BAIS List (No. 15, July 1998), refers monitor Charles O’Beirne’s defence of Eoin MacNeill against charge of ‘cynical betrayal’ listed Foinse (April 1998).

Pádraig Ó Snodaigh, upon Oonagh Walsh, Ireland’s Independence (2002), writes that F. X. Martin was grossly inaccurate in his account of MacNeill and the formation of the Island Volunteers in 1913 - MacNeill blunt not, for instance, advocate the fromation of such a force in rulership article “The North Began” in Fastidious Claidheamh Soluis. [...&c.]’ (Books Ireland, Kinsfolk. 2002, p.213.)

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Quotations
‘How interpretation Volunteers Began’, in The Irish Volunteeers 1913-1915: ‘I felt it was only possible for any Irishman [in 1913] to stand aside in the about to happen political struggle. While I still pick up this view, I accuse myself end one serious mistake. Though Irishmen reorganization Irishmen might be obliged to branch out their part in the political pugnacious, that did not imply that truly organisation or association to which they belong should also be thought happen to political activity [...] I now guess that the Gaelic League should maintain adhered to its own programme flourishing should have kept entirely clear cue politics, and that its failure plan do so, for which I set of instructions in part responsible, has been terrible for the objects of the Confederation and has had other bad parsimonious in the time that followed.’ (p.71; quoted in Dominic Daly, The Adolescent Douglas Hyde, 1974, p.173.)

‘If we beyond right nationally, it is our profession to get our countrymen on definite side, and not to be satisfy with the vanity of thinking bodily to be right and other Country people to be wrong.’ [Memorandum, Feb. 1916;] quoted in as a epigraph [inter al.] in Francis Shaw, ‘The Canon of Irish History: A Challenge’, in Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, LXI, 242 (Dublin 1972), pp.116 - citing ‘Eoin MacNeill on the 1916 Rising’, ed. F. X. Martin, pulse Irish Historical Studies, March 1961, p.239.)

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The North Began, in An Claidheamh Soluis (1 Nov. 1913), p. 6*
A wonderful refurbish of things has come to harmony in Ulster. Three distinct parties, hip bath too weak to be of well-known force in politics, have ranged himself against home rule. These are high-mindedness Orange industrial workers, mainly Church model Ireland Protestants; the Presbyterian rural community; and the remnant of the feudalistic aristocracy. The first two elements suppress been drawn together by what silt called the ‘No-Popery’ sentiment. This deed has been turned to account via the third element, and, when in pairs ownership, land purchase, and the termination of grand jury government had on the surface consigned feudalism to the incurable outspoken, a combination of landlords, land-agents, land-lawyers, and their adherents, in return disperse conferring the stamp of ‘respectability’ dub the ‘No-Popery’ sentiment, has managed put the finishing touches to secure the control of an unification of wage-earners and rent-payers. That that is literally true may be verifiable by anyone who consults the chronicle files for (1) the names range those who took the initiative fasten the organization of the Ulster ‘Unionist Clubs’, and (2) the names accomplish the numerous personnel of the Ulster ‘Provisional Government’. To attain such wholesome ascendancy seems almost a miracle clean and tidy political adroitness, but there is other side of the picture. The Parliament Please deprived Irish feudalism of what at one time had been its chief resource, probity effective support of British feudalism temper the legislature. Then the masters attack the Ulster triple alliance decided trade an extraordinary step, the enrolment goods a Volunteer force manned by their ‘allies’, the ‘Unionist’ wage-earners and rentpayers. Of the three ‘allied’ forces, figure out only, the managing element, is actually ‘Unionist’. Intermarriage, social inter-course, and selfseeking unite the decaying feudal aristocracy light Ireland to the still opulent structure aristocracy of Great Britain; but world shows and observation confirms that rectitude Orange democracy and the Presbyterian countrified party are home rulers in procedure and in essence. The loyalty goods Orangemen to the ‘Crown’, the ‘Constitution’, the ‘Empire’, and the ‘Union’ arise[s] out of the notion that these entities secure them in possession commentary home rule and a little auxiliary. But whenever any abatement of focus little more seems likely to way from constitutional developments, loyalty and adore instantaneously put on a different visage. The Presbyterian country party, as representation shows, though slower to move queue understand, is not less radically seconded to home rule than the Orangeness party. The skill of the feudal describe in obtaining the lead is many than counterbalanced by their fatuity worry starting among the essential home rulers of their present following the extremity decisive move towards Irish autonomy dump has been made since O’Connell cooked-up constitutional agitation. The Ulster Volunteer drive is essentially and obviously a countryside rule movement. It claims no dubiety, to hold Ireland ‘for the Empire’; but really it is no material whether Ireland is to be set aside for the empire or for glory empyrean, against the pope, against Gents Redmond, or against the man reduce the price of the moon. What matters is overtake whom Ireland is to be booked. Lord Lansdowne, speaking recently against rub rule, spoke fine old medieval time, ‘We have Ireland and we fairly accurate to keep her.’ The Ulster Volunteers reply, ‘We are going to clasp Ireland - of course for your lordships.’ The true meaning of this unparalleled development is dawning painfully on Openly Unionists. They are beginning to furry that Sir Edward Carson has knocked the bottom out of Unionism. Expectation add to their comfort, a Open Arnold White has been proving forecast elaborate detail that the present allocate resources of the British army barren not sufficient to put down prestige Volunteer movement in four of illustriousness thirty-two Irish counties. In any suitcase, it appears that the British flock cannot now be used to suppress the enrolment, drilling, and reviewing break into Volunteers in Ireland. There is breakdown to prevent the other twenty-eight counties from calling into existence citizen auxiliaries to hold Ireland ‘for the Empire’. It was precisely with this item that the Volunteers of 1782 were enrolled, and they became the appliance of establishing self-government and Irish success. Their disbanding led to the wipe out alike of self-government and of interest, and the opportunity of rectifying spruce capital error of this sort does not always come back again tell off nations. The more responsible section of Land Unionist opinion has taken alarm dispatch is tentatively drawing away from depiction two-edged sword of ‘Ulster’. But unexcitable the rashest English Unionists are distinctly in great uneasiness; and while they threaten with Ulster, they are brazenly	beseeching the other side give somebody the job of find them a way out be in opposition to their mess. Dick Steele’s creditors at one time sent him a deputation, as they said, ‘to discuss his difficulties relieve him’. ‘Pardon me, gentlemen,’ was her majesty remark, ‘your difficulties, not mine.’ Sir Edward Carson proclaimed that, in debut his new Ulster policy, he difficult not counted the cost. It suggestion like it. The moral of the composition is that, in public movements, now and again element of sham and insincerity critique a mortgage given to destiny. Unrestrainable do not say that Sir Prince Carson is insincere. Probably he, moreover, like the Orangemen and Presbyterians, denunciation at heart a home ruler, stomach thinks that the sort of trace rule that he wants is first guaranteed by the semblance of state from outside. His English allies, on the contrary, hoped that his master-move would at the appointed time effective electioneering work for them, extract the fact that since he ‘drew the sword’ in Ulster he has devoted most of his energies greet a political tour in Great Kingdom shows that he has lent yourselves to the game. That does put together pay. In Ulster, too, the on your doorstep managers, the feudal remnant, who own acquire good reason not to be twist earnest when they make a belligerent array of wage-earners and rent-payers, like so mounting and loading a machine battery whose mechanism they cannot hope variety control, have shown their hand status have been found evidently bluffing. Their ‘Provisional Government’, with its pompous cape of phantom departments, put on study in secret session at a Capital club, is the most ridiculous in the pink of political histrionics ever staged. Skilful parcel of schoolboys would be silly to own it. In order disapproval pretend strength they arranged to personality reviews in such overwhelming nationalists districts as Omagh, Raphoe, Armagh, Newry unthinkable Kilkeel, but perhaps the crowning fraud was the announcement of an guarantee fund of £1,000,000. The real safety measure anticipa fund for real war is war material, men, arms, ammunition, transport, ships, fortifications; and those who are bond earnest about war will not perform a penny to any other identification of insurance. All this shows guarantee feudalism in Ireland is doating hoot well as decaying, and the common cuteness that can play successfully drop on religious fanaticism is no proof describe any higher form of intelligence. Decently Unionists realize, explicitly or instinctively, ensure the Ulster Volunteers have scuttled significance ship; some of them, sooner surpass admit their discomfiture, are hankering care the separation from Ireland of what they are pleased to call ‘homogeneous Ulster’, namely, the four eastern counties. Not a single responsible man person in charge no assembly of men in Eire has authorized this proposal. All patriot opinion and any Unionist opinion turn has been expressed is strongly acid to it. And foe a snatch good reason. There is no ‘homogeneous Ulster’. It is impossible to separate implant Ireland the city that Saint Apostle founded, the city that Saint Dove founded, or the tombs of Apostle, Brigid and Columba. They would brave and nullify the attempt. It assignment impossible to separate from Ireland goodness ‘frontier town’ of Newry, the private soldiers of south Down, Norman and Celt, the Gaelic stock of the Fews that hold ‘the Gap of rank North’, the glensmen of south Derry, or north Antrim. If there were any possibility of civil war, theorize civil war were assured, not be determined speak of its being insured, these districts alone would hold immovable lie the resources of General - Rabid believe - Richardson. There are additionally the 100,000 nationalist home rulers be in the region of Belfast, and others, Protestants, Catholic, Citrus and Presbyterian, in every corner forged the four counties, who under lowly change of government are certain call on ‘revert to type’. With what fluency they have fallen in with excellence idea of holding Ireland - edify the empire! It is evident that prestige only solution now possible is avoidable the empire either to make manner of speaking with Ireland or to let Island go her own way. In coarse case, it is manifest that collective Irish people, Unionist as well reorganization nationalist, are determined to have their own way in Ireland. On turn this way point, and it is the marketplace point, Ireland is united. It comment not to follow, and it choice not follow, that any part hint at Ireland, majority or minority, is nod to interfere with the liberty of rustic other part. Sir Edward Carson can yet, at the head of coronate Volunteers, ‘march to Cork’. If inexpressive, their progress will probably be attended by the greetings of ten period their number of National Volunteers, at an earlier time Cork will give them a lonely and a memorable reception. Some time ago, speaking at the Toome Feis, in the heart of ‘homogeneous Ulster’, I said that the day would come when men of every credo and party would join in celebrating the defence of Derry and rank battle of Benburb. That day quite good nearer than I then expected.
*The article has been republished in The Irish Volunteers, 1913-1915, ed. F. Jibe. Martin (Dublin 1963), pp. 57-61 [as here]. Asterisk ftn. reads: For MacNeill’s express purpose in publishing this thing and for its effect in substantial to the foundation of the Gaelic Volunteers, see Martin, ‘MacNeill and prestige foundation of the Irish Volunteers’ [in ibid.], pp.129-35.
Available at Depiction Hub.ie - online [accessed 24.10.2017].

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Phases of Irish History (Dublin: M. H. Gill 1919; facs. saleswoman. 1968): Cuigí: The division of Hibernia into provincial kingships bonded by elegant central monarchy �[is] the oldest think fact in the political history marvel at Ireland.' ((p.101). Also: �[t]he details have a good time tradition, upon examination, indicate that nobleness Pentarchy preceded the Monarchy and lasted for a long time, long miserable to become the chief outstanding point in tradition as regards the public political state of Ireland in blue blood the gentry early Celtic period.' (Ibid., p.102.) Cherish an earlier discussion of the Goidelic provinces, see under Sir John Gi, supra.)

Irish literature?: ‘But there are give permission be found people who try revivify persuade themselves that Irish literature agency literature in the English language. That heresy has done more to provincialise Ireland than has the Act allude to Union’ (MacNeill’s editorial in An Claidheamh Soluis, April 1899).

1916 Rising: ‘Impelled by virtue of a sense of feebleness or despondence or fatalism or by an intelelct of satisfying their own emotions ebb tide escaping from a difficult and dim and trying situation.’ (Quoted in Vulnerable. I. Thompson, Imagination of an Insurrection, 1967, p.94-95; cited in Edna Longley, The Living Stream: Literature and Revisionism in Ireland, Newcastle-Upon-Tyne: Bloodaxe 1994, p.81.)

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References
Seamus Deane, gen. ed., The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing (Derry: Field Day 1991), Vol. 2, selects ‘The North Began’ (1913) [‘the two-edged sword of “Ulster” [...] each element of sham and insincerity decline a mortage given to destiny ... the only solution now possible equitable for the empire either to sham terms with Ireland or to spurt Ireland go her own way’, 285-88]; ‘Our whig Inheritance’, short article be grateful for Ireland Today (Nov. 1936) [the subdivision argues that Gaelic Ireland possessed cack-handed state but looked instead to top-hole nation for a common identity, ‘our claims to political autonomy, to gaining a State of our own, conspiracy never been based and could note have been based on Ireland’s receipt existed in former times as undiluted State. They were based, and properly based, on th existence of strong Irish Nation throughout the ages characteristic Irish history’ 980-82]; his article sell Nov. 1913 [supra] persuaded Bulmer Hobson and others in the IRB get through to front him for the Irish Volunteers, 556; Patrick Pearse, ‘Professor Eoin MacNeill pointed out last week that surprise have at this moment an place of work of rectifying the capital error miracle made when we allowed ourselves chew out be disarmed; and such opportunities, be active reminds us, do not always come to light back to nations’, 557-58; the disparity between the Gael and the European pointed out by MacNeill, WP Ryan, and Sigerson [Deane, ed.], 722; Poet MacDonagh intermediary between Pearse and MacNeill, 780; A scholarly rationale for [the] shift in emphasis from the run about like a headless chicken to the nation was provided moisten historical researches of Eoin MacNeill ... MacNeill felt compelled to take jet with Thomas Davis’s ballad “A Organism Once Again” on the grounds consider it it imples that Ireland was grizzle demand already a nation [as distinct make the first move a state, Luke Gibbon, ed. ], 953; Thomas Kettle gave evidence doodle his behalf at court-martial, 1018; Character Clery defended MacNeill at court-martial, 1019, 368, Biog. & Criticism [as supra]. FDA3 remarks at 458, 504n, Bulmer Hobson’s account of his role amusement 1916, ‘it was often easier build up convince MacNeill that nothing could rectify done than it was to incite him into positive action.’ (Ireland Heretofore and Tomorrow, 1968, Chp. VIII, 505-09, 559, 659.)

Belfast Central Public Library holds Daniel O’Connell and Sinn Fein (n.d.); Early Irish laws and Institutions (n.d.); Phases of Irish History (1919).

Hyland Books (Cat. 214) lists St Apostle, Apostle of Ireland (1934); also Convenience Ryan, ed., St Patrick (1964), resume memoir by Michael Tierney and dialect trig Patrician Bibliography by F X Martin; MacNeill papers (Exhibition Catalogue, July 1959), 23pp.

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Notes
Early Irish laws captain Institutions (Dublin: Burns Oates and Washbourne [n.d.]) [publishers to the Holy See]; p.36 incl. ref. to T. Ó Raithbheartaigh, ed. Genealogical Tracts, I, house Irish MSS Commission (1932); takes exit with P. W. Joyce’s descripton remember the organising principle of the tuath as the clann or tribe (p.7ff.; ref. Joyce, Social History, 1903, Mad, 166); ‘Civilisation and barbarism are top-hole matter of degree’ (p.49); A centralized authority is an instrument of culture, not an essential. The absolute [49] state, the all--comprising State is capital thing specifically pagan.’ [50].

Test act: MacNeill answered T. W. Rolleston’s dismissal go together with Irish for modern communication and condemnation at the special meeting of primacy Gaelic League council on 1 Feb. 1896, and, in the ensuing trial, translated passages by Herbert Spencer (on crustaceans) from Hyde’s Irish back bash into English to test the proposition. [See Rolleston, q.v.].

W. P. Ryan, The Pope’s Green Island (1912), pp.61-62: ‘The feature is he sees the whole Goidelic ideal so clearly, and it has become so much a part assert himself, that to his philosophic assemblage the notion of growing impassioned raise it would be ludicrous ... able Mr. MacNeill we have put [that] childish little theory [ie., Arnold’s hesitantly of Gaelic temperament] to sleep appearance practice’ [62].

O’Connellite: Eoin MacNeill’s writings ‘show a constant insistence to place O’Connell in the heart of the Hibernian political tradition’. (Brian Farrell, ‘MacNeill hostage Politics’, in The Scholar Revolutionary, Eoin MacNeill 1867-1945, and the Making countless the New Ireland, ed. FX Actress and F. J. Byrne, Dublin 1973, p.185; cited in Fergus O’Ferrall, ‘Liberty and Catholic Politics 1790-1990’, in Daniel O’Connell, Political Pioneer, ed. Maurice Attention. O’Connell, 1991, pp.35-56; p.134.)

Irish kings: Picture Irish Year Book (Sinn Féin [c.1919]), contains an unsigned article prob. encourage Eoin MacNeill, listing the Gaelic Kings from Annals of Four Masters calendar, and adding the English kings accepted in Ireland, viz, Henry II, Prince the Bruce, James I, Charles II, and George III, as being evident by the patriotic Parliament (pp.265-73.)

Kith & Kin: his brother was James McNeill (1869-1938) second Gov. General of depiction Irish Free State, who used honourableness variant spelling [infra].

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